Sunday, December 09, 2007

A Child's Yankee Christmas in Connecticut

by Andy Lang

On the first Christmas in New England, Indians arrived at the doors of the Pilgrims’ rustic meeting house bearing barrels of a spiritous liquor distilled from cranberries and pine needles. They found the church doors locked, and the entire community huddled inside their homes. Christmas, their ministers had told them, was a “paganish Mummerie of indecent Revells and the Werke of Antichrist, fit only for the deluded Hereticks of the Romish Persuasion.” So the Pilgrims spent the entire day reading their Bibles and petitioning God to cast the Pope of Rome into the Lake of Fire. Disappointed, the Indians returned to their villages, opened their gifts and drank toasts to the Corn God.

It was not a propitious beginning for a region whose Christmas traditions were later immortalized by Bing Crosby and the legions of New Yorkers who swarmed every December into towns and villages across Connecticut to experience an “authentic New England Christmas.” But by the end of the 1600s, the Puritans had reluctantly legalized the holiday, and an American classic was born.

Superficially, the traditional Christmas in New England resembled the familiar holiday celebrated everywhere in North America. But in fact, its customs had a radically different origin in the unique social and religious history of the region. Although today Christmas has been commercialized in New England as everywhere else, I still remember from my childhood in the 1950s the somewhat eccentric but heart-warming family rituals of a real “Yankee Christmas in Connecticut.” As a high school student, while these memories were still fresh, I wrote the following prize-winning essay for the Future Patriotic Journalists contest sponsored by the Legion of Sons of Veterans of Elective Foreign Surgery.

We children always knew Christmas was near when our teachers released us early from school one crisp December day and led us to the village green where we were allowed to paint the faces of the prisoners shackled in the community's stocks. Before long, the lawn between the Meeting House and the Grange was a magical landscape of bright colors!

But this was not the only splash of Christmas color: in fact, every fir tree was decorated with bright red ornaments, all resembling the letter “A.” The origin of this custom may surprise you. You see, the day before Christmas was the only day of the year when the Women Caught in Adultery, who had been banished to the wilderness, were allowed to return. Before they passed through the village gates, however, they were required to hang their scarlet letters on nearby trees—the first “Christmas trees” in New England. The Adulterous Women then were led in procession to the Meeting House where the minister harangued them for several hours about the Lake of Fire.

As Christmas Eve approached, the children of the village looked forward to one of our favorite customs of the season: the Winnowing of the Wiccans. (The tradition was originally called the Winnowing of the Witches, but the gender-inclusive term was substituted after passage of the Equal Repression Amendment by Connecticut’s General Assembly.)

Suspected wiccans (usually anybody who had a cat) were thrown into the river to determine their guilt or innocence. If they floated, they were proven to be servants of the devil and were summarily banished into the wilderness. But if they sank beneath the frigid waters, they were exonerated, and a special prayer was said in their memory. Our parents indulgently allowed us to jeer at the accused: this was the origin of the expression “Christmas Jeer.”

You can hardly imagine the excitement we children felt as we woke early on Christmas morn. Like children anywhere else, we rushed downstairs to see what was lying beneath the Christmas tree! Now, Christmas gift-giving in New England was a very different concept than in the rest of the country. That was primarily because we didn’t have a “Santa Claus.” Our minister told us that “Santa” was “an irreverent Invention of the deluded Dutch” inspired by “the fleshly Flummery of New Amsterdam.” But we didn’t feel deprived, because we had something much better: “Rant o’ Flaws.”

“Ranta” was a jolly symbol of the season. During most of the year, our parents told us, Ranta lived in the North Pole with his industrious helpers (called “deacons”) compiling lists of all the sins committed by children all over the world. Then, during the hectic shopping days before Christmas, Ranta appeared in our village—a cadaverous figure dressed in a long black gown, black skullcap and black silk stockings. How we cheered as he stalked through the village, fixing each of us in his accusing stare! One by one we were summoned by Ranta’s bony, pointing finger to climb up and sit on his skinny knee, there to be enraptured by his vivid stories about Jesus casting sinners into the Lake of Fire.

On Christmas eve, while we slept snug and secure in our beds, Ranta would sneak down the chimney and carry off the gifts our parents had laid out the night before. That was, in any case, how our parents explained the mysterious non-appearance of our gifts underneath the tree. But we had a wonderful time anyway as they described the Last Judgment Fire and Brimstone Chemistry Set, the Sorrowful Barbie Wailing at the Foot of the Cross, and all the other exciting presents they had bought for us!

In northern New England, children would wake on Christmas morn to find the fields outside covered in a wonderful blanket of fresh snow. These “White Christmases” were rare in the warmer climate of southern Connecticut, but we never felt deprived. We looked forward every year to the impenetrably thick fog that would roll in from Long Island Sound and immerse the village in a suffocating gloom pierced only by the laughter of children and the groaning of prisoners shackled in the village green. The fog was rank with the sulphurous smell of “rotten eggs” emanating from the polluted clam beds outside of town, so we called it a “Christmas Egg Fog.”

You can imagine our excitement as we hurriedly put on our buckled shoes and wide-brimmed hats and ran outside to play in the fog. But before long our parents would emerge and we would walk together as a family to the Meeting House. There, yet another treat was in store! The minister, no doubt exhausted by his all-night harangue of the Women Caught in Adultery, shortened his sermon from seven to only six hours! By the time we left church at three o’clock in the afternoon, it seemed as if hardly any time had passed. Still bursting with energy, we rushed back home eagerly anticipating our Christmas Dinner!

We always ate hearty meals in New England: my mother’s fried turkey wattle with lard drippings was famous throughout the county. But the Christmas feast was something special. At the center of the table was, of course, the steamed Christmas Cod garnished with stems and twigs. Plates piled high with boiled cabbage, seemingly endless stacks of duck jerky and bowls of savory nettle soup completed the festive scene. And yet, as we devoured the meal, we knew the best was yet to come: the special Christmas dessert, served only once a year, of cranberry and muskrat pudding!

Soon our plates were piled high with discarded cranberry pits and muskrat bones. But the fun didn’t stop there! The child who found the longest muskrat tail could look forward to a special treat: the privilege of leading the other children through the village for the final tradition of an old-fashioned Yankee Christmas—the Ridiculing of the Religious Minorities!

Originally called the Browbeating of the Baptists, who were once the only religious minority in our village, by the 1950s we had a variety of diverse minorities to ridicule. In addition to the Browbeating of the Baptists, there was also the Aggravating of the Agnostics, the Bullying of the Buddhists, the Character Assassinating of the Charismatics, the Confusing of the Confucians, the Eschewing of the Episcopalians (also known as the Avoiding of the Anglicans), the Harrowing of the Hebrews, the Mooning of the Muslims, the Leg-Pulling of the Latter Day Saints, the Loathing of the Lutherans, the Nagging of the Nazarenes, the Pummelling of the Papists, the Shunning of the Schwenkfelders, and so forth.

Finally, after an exhausting day of Christmas fun, we were ready for bed. We could hardly keep our eyes open as the family knelt down for the customary three hours of night prayers. After singing all 150 psalms, we prayed to God to keep mommy and daddy safe and to cast the Pope of Rome into the Lake of Fire. Then we climbed into bed, and almost immediately sleep stole across our young faces. We dreamed of painted prisoners and scarlet letters, of floating witches and sulphurous fogs, of cranberries and muskrat tails, and another magical Christmas was past!


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Wednesday, September 19, 2007

My revenge on a spam-trickster

Chickens are at the center of the Medicine-Poultry-Real Estate Convergence

They're mostly blocked by spam filters, but I still occasionally graze through the junk mail folder to enjoy the hundreds of offers of easy money. A born-again widow in the Congo has only months to live and wants to deposit $14 million in my bank account becaue she has heard that I am "trustworthy" and will spend the money "for the relief of needy orphans." A bank official in Nigeria wants my help to smuggle $40 million from the dormant account of a wealthy foreigner who died without leaving an heir. If I agree, I can keep $8 million as a service fee. My email address was randomly attached to winning ticket #508-876-0X29UEK in the "Euro Super Lotto, Ltd." I simply need to share some personal information and my winnings will be wired directly to my bank. Discretion, of course, is required.

Here's one recent proposition that somehow evaded the spam filter. It's generally in proper idiomatic English: normally, spam fraud reads as if the spammer were translating from Chinese to English on Babelfish. But there are enough mistakes—a misplaced comma here, a capitalized noun there—to identify the spammer as anybody but "James David Mark" of "Lloyd's Chambers" in "Belfast."
From: mr james david mark [mailto:dmrjames1@gmail.com]
Sent: Wednesday, September 19, 2007 2:39 PM
Subject: INVESTMENT IN YOUR COUNTRY

Dear Partner,

I am in search of a profitable Real Estate or medical investment business in your Country and I would be glad if you can assist me in any way possible. Alternatively, we can both go into a joint partnership investment business once we are both satisfied with agreements reached and after we get to know each other better.

I would like to invest my family's finances, in your Country under your care and full management. Since I have never been able to visit your Country before, I
believe investing through you as a citizen will make it a lot easier for us. If you are interested, please get back to me and I will introduce you to our fund managers and bankers.

We will provide the finances required for the investment. Our first choice of investment is medical business which I believe never depreciates in value. Large scale poultry or Real Estate business will also be regarded as a good offer. The amount we have can provide us with any good business investment depending on how it is managed after you receive it.

I cannot send you more details until I hear from you and find out what type of investment ideas is more lucrative in your country at the moment.

Thanks and Regards,
James David Mark.
Lloyd's Chambers
Portsoken Street
BT1 8BN
Belfast, Northern Ireland.
Direct email:jdmark111@yahoo.co.uk
I don't normally take the time to play cat-and-mouse with these artless con artists, but I had a few minutes to kill. For good measure, I threw in a number of idiomatic oddities for realism's sake.
Dear Mr. Mark,

Allow me to introduce myself: I am Dr. Tiffany Glas Grafin von Scheissdorf-Buttersworth, a Citizen of the United States of America and sometime resident of Switzerland. I am Director of Endophrenology at the Cleveland Heights Clinic, a world-renown medical research center with branches into several countries.

I am also, in my spare time, co-owner with my late husband, one formerly Lionel Buttersworth, of a large Poultry Farm on 150,000 acres in Cleveland, Ohio (Cuyahoga Cheerful Chirping Chicken Farms, LLC ®). I am further a Member of the Directorate of Immobilien, Wohnungen & Hoizer für Hühner GmbH (ImWoHoHü), an international Real Estates Company based in Zurich, Switzerland, which was founded by my late grandfather, Hühnerich Meissen Porzellan Graf von Scheissdorf.

As you can see, I am involved in all of the three businesses in which you have expressed an interest: Medicine, Poultry Production and Real Estates. I therefore believe, that I can assist you in your quest for opportunities that are profitable investment undertakings in my Country.

Although, at present, the Cleveland Heights Clinic’s Endophrenology Center is not seeking Joint Partners, we can provide you with several investment options with Good Long-Term Growth Prospects. There are also lucrative opportunities with regard to Cuyahoga Cheerful Chirping Chicken Farms, LLC ®, and Immobilien, Wohnungen & Hoizer für Hühner GmbH. Both companies are undercapitalised, although fiscally Sound and competently Managed, and are interested in forming Joint Ventures with discreet and trustworthy partners, to finance ambitious expansive plans to our mutual benefits.

At the present, these three Sectors (Medicine, Poultry and Real Estates) are cusped for a historic Convergence in the international markets, so I consider your proposal to be both fortuitous and timely. Poultry, undoubtedly as you know, is right at the centre of this Convergence. Recent discovery of the medical benefits of the chicken fats, which are under review by leading Medical Journals but not are yet publicised to the Public, will indubitably create unpresidented Growth Opportunities in the Poultry Industry. These Advances in Science have provided Conclusive Evidence that consumption of large quantities of fatty chicken parts can manage the violent Mood Swings associated with the Bipolar Disorder, outside the sometime disabling side-effects of the psychotropical drugs that are now available on the Market. But the potential application of chicken fats to the burgeoning health cares industry do not stops there. Of particular interest to my partners, is the discovery that a particular compound found only in the fat of the chicken, when applied liberally to the skull, all but eliminates the condition known as Male Pattern Baldness which tragically afflicts hundreds of millions of the men, throughout the world.

I myself directed one of these Researches at the Endophrenology Center, which demonstrate the proper cranial locations for administration of the compound (which we are preparing to market under the name Chifatizol ®) in order to achieve the best optimal results. I am specially proud of our findings, which have imploded the myth that the Anti-Baldness Preparation must be applied to the Bald Areas of the head. To the contrary, we have learned that the emollification of Chifatizol ® to the areas of the head where the hair remains, affectively fertilises the surviving hair folicles, thereby encouraging them to multiplicate towards the Hairless Areas.

How, you may ask, will the Real Estates Sector benefit from these discoveries? Quite simply, the projected Windfalling for the Poultry Industry will require the construction of chicken coops on massive scales. Immobilien, Wohnungen & Hoizer für Hühner GmbH is at the cutting edge of the pushing envelope of this emerging market trend! We expect our Holistic Design Concept of Chicken Coop Co-ops ® to prove very lucrative when fully develop. Simply puts, this revolutionary approach allows the chickens themselves to allocate Living Spaces according to their natural Pecking Order, thus reducing stress in the population and optimising, a better quality Product.

Of course, I would request the highest discretion concerning these developments, since neither the recent discovery concerning the healing properties of chicken fat nor ImWoHoHü’s planned Move into the Chicken Coop Co-op ® business has been announced to the Mediums. Therefore, you will not find reference to these matters on the Google, since they are highly secretive. Also, the Cleveland Heights Clinic and the Cuyahoga Cheerful Chirping Chicken Farms ® website is temporarily Offline due to denial-of-service spam. We apologise for these inconveniences. Our IT department is working on the problem and are confidence, that we are returning to the Online within a matter of weeks.

I can tell from your enquiries that already you are knowledgeable of these trends, and will choose amongst your various investment opportunities wisely. I am awaiting further discussions with your fund managers and bankers and anticipate many favorable outcomes.

Yours Truly Sincerely,

Dr. Tiffany Glas Grafin von Scheissdorf-Buttersworth, Dr.habil.med.Wiss.
Director of Endophrenology
The Cleveland Heights Clinic
I'll let you know if Mr. "Mark," the mark, bites.


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Thursday, June 07, 2007

Paris Hilton precedent rocks justice system

Paris reunited with Tinkerbell
Paris Hilton "cracked" after three days in Los Angeles County Jail.

On Monday, after 24 hours in the women's jail, Paris "was doing well under the circumstances," according to her lawyer, but her condition began to crumble later that day.

(Warning: irony turned off.) The medical director for the Los Angeles County Department of Children and Family Services was called in, and certified that Paris simply could not go on. "She has fulfilled her obligation," said Steve Whitmore, the department’s spokesman. "She has paid her debt to society." (Irony turned back on.)

"I believe she has learned her lesson," said Children and Family Services Director Trish Ploehn. "Five days of separation from her beloved chihuahua, Tinkerbell, was punishment enough. Now is the time for compassion. We need to start rebuilding Ms. Hilton's self-esteem so she can be a functioning member of society again."

So, after five days of her 45-day sentence, Paris is under house arrest, but she has to wear an ankle tracking bracelet so police will know if she strays beyond her Tuscan-style villa in a gated community in the Hollywood Hills. Her customized 400-square-foot wardrobe is 13 times the average living space allocated for one prisoner in most U.S. prisons.

"I did have a choice to go to a pay jail," Hilton said Sunday (real quote). "But I declined because I feel like the media portrays me in a way that I'm not and that's why I wanted to go to county [jail], to show that I can do it and I'm going to be treated like everyone else.

"I'm going to do the time, I'm going to do it the right way."

The problem, sources said, was that Paris just couldn't sleep and began to cry. We all know the havoc just one sleepless night can wreak on your face, not to mention your hair. And once the crying started, it was simply impossible to maintain her makeup.

Sources close to the heiress suggest the real crash didn't happen until Paris realized there was no manicurist on the staff, and that she had only one choice of dessert at dinner.

"Her TV screen was only 27 inches wide," said a family friend. "And there were no premium channels, just basic cable. She had to watch 'Sopranos' reruns on A & E! They even refused her request to install a gas-plasma TV at her own expense. When you're living in a small space, a flat-panel screen is just common sense. What were they thinking?"

County medical officials said they began to fear for the heiress' safety. "She was mutilating her own body," one source said. "On Wednesday morning she applied a dark cappuccino lipstick when the contrast between the wall color and her complexion clearly called for terracotta or a lighter beige. We felt she was in danger."

It was reportedly her jailers who demanded Hilton's immediate release, however. "At first she was tolerable," one prison guard reportedly said. "But then the crying started. First there were long sighs. I knew she was in trouble. Then she started to sniffle. Her lower lip began to tremble and she was clearly downcast. Her pouting degenerated quickly into pining, and then the tears started falling and it was boo-hoo-hoo nonstop for hours on end. You have no idea how that sounded! After two days I was praying to die."

Legal observers believe the county's show of leniency will set a precedent for other prisoners having difficulty adjusting to life behind bars.

Lawyers for convicted mass murderer Charles Manson—who was denied parole for the 11th time on May 23—say they'll try the "Hilton Gambit" next time. "Charlie's hair is a mess," said one close friend. "He can't stop crying. The authorities won't let a professional tattooist properly maintain the swastika in his forehead. They took away his pet Affenpinscher. He can't sleep and he's allergic to the chemicals they use to clean his toilet."


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Friday, March 30, 2007

Hate crimes bill threat to free speech?

Apparently the "Traditional Values" Coalition does not consider the ninth commandment ("Thou shalt not bear false witness") a traditional value.

Rev. Lou Sheldon, the coalition's founder, is organizing a campaign to defeat Congressman John Conyer's "Local Law Enforcement Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 2007." The law, he says, "begins to lay the legal framework to persecute and prosecute those who refuse, for moral and religious reasons, to agree or teach their children that homosexuality, transgender, cross-dressing etc is normal and desirable."

The American Family Association agrees: "The bill is the first step toward silencing any opposition to the homosexual lifestyle."

So a warning to all parents who are teaching their children to hate the sin, but love the sinner: soon the politically-correct Thought Police will come knocking on your door.

Actually, the proposed law simply strengthens enforcement of the existing federal hate crimes statute—which does not prohibit speech but does allow judges to impose longer sentences on an offender who "willfully causes bodily injury to any person or, through the use of fire, a firearm, or an explosive or incendiary device, attempts to cause bodily injury to any person" because of the victim's race, color, national origin, religion, sexual orientation, gender, or disability.

That means that Rev. Sheldon can spout his hatred of gays as much as he wants—with the full protection of the First Amendment, and God bless him. But if he hits a gay man over the head with a lead pipe, he's in big trouble. And assuming those good parents who want to instill loathing of homosexuality in their children are not prepared to make their point with fire, a firearm or an explosive device, they're off the hook.

And the law applies to me, too. If I were to punch Rev. Sheldon in the face, I'd be subject to a longer prison term if his lawyer could prove I was motivated by bias against his hate-mongering religion.

The Supreme Court upheld a similar statute in Wisconsin in 1993. In that case, a young black man named Todd Mitchell severely beat a white boy after asking friends, "Do you all feel hyped up to move on some white people?" The Kenosha County Circuit Court added five years to Mitchell's sentence because the assault was motivated by racial hatred.

Writing for a unanimous court, Chief Justice William Rehnquist rejected the argument the "Traditional Values" Coalition seems to be pushing: that allowing judges to impose longer sentences on violent criminals whose crimes are motivated by hatred of a particular group will have a "chilling effect" on freedom of speech. Nonsense, Rehnquist wrote:

"We must conjure up a vision of a Wisconsin citizen suppressing his unpopular bigoted opinions for fear that if he later commits an offense covered by the statute, these opinions will be offered at trial to establish that he selected his victim on account of the victim's protected status, thus qualifying him for penalty enhancement."

That means that if Rev. Sheldon is not planning to hit a gay man over the head with a lead pipe, he has nothing to fear from this law. Similarly, I can freely express my contempt for Rev. Sheldon's disgusting perversion of the teachings of Christ—because I have no intention of smashing him in the face.

Besides, I don't hate the sinner—just the sin.


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Thursday, December 28, 2006

Gerald Ford's legacy

Ford with Rumsfeld and Cheney
I think history will treat Gerald Ford kindly. He stepped up to the plate during a terrible time in our political history and his fundamental decency helped the country through the transition. He was not a great president, but he was a good president, and since G.W. Bush has significantly lowered the bar curve, I think he earned at least a respectable "C+" and maybe even a "B."

I'll always remember Ford for two decisive contributions to American political culture. One was his ability to recruit talent: it was Ford who plucked two young politicians from obscurity and gave them a place on the national stage. I'm referring, of course, to Donald Rumsfeld, the youngest man ever to serve as Secretary of Defense, and Ford's Chief of Staff, Dick Cheney.

The other was his sensitivity to the intersection of public relations and popular culture. In this sense, he prefigured the "Great Communicator." It was Ford who commissioned the legendary Meredith Willson to compose the theme song for the Administration's "Whip Inflation Now!" campaign, which the Broadway composer himself performed on nationwide television after Ford launched the campaign in an historic address to Congress on October 8, 1974. The music didn't quite rise to the level of "The Music Man" or "It's Beginning to Look a Lot Like Christmas," but the lyrics are literally unforgettable:
Whip Inflation Now button
Let's WIN together, WIN together:
That's the American Way today.
Who needs inflation?

Not this nation!
Who's going to pass it by?

You are! And so am I!

So WIN together. Lose? Never!
If you can win, so can I!

Unfortunately, the song never entered into pop history: you won't find the lyrics on Google, and since you can google the anthem of the former Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic, that means the WIN song is obscure indeed. That's probably because the anti-inflation campaign was quietly shelved a few months later when the country began to sink into a recession and the government turned to the usual pump-priming (i.e., inflationary) policies in response.

(Note to self: translate the WIN song into Latvian and Russian, and post on Wikipedia.)


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Monday, March 13, 2006

Building Christian community online

banner web/blog ad for i.UCCIs genuine Christian community possible through the Internet? The latest in a series of experiments is i.UCC (at i.UCC.org)—an online community project sponsored by the United Church of Christ. I've been hired as developer and designer for the community.

Please check it out, and let me know what you think.


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Monday, February 06, 2006

They must get paid by the word

Like the unfortunate Britishism "went missing", "famously" is currently one of the high-mindedly hip clichés that writers at the New York Times imagine will lend a certain cachet to their otherwise enervating style. There were 12 uses in the past week, 65 in the past month, 653 in the past year. Twenty years ago, the Times conjured up the adverb only 34 times. Like the avian flu, "famously" appears to have gathered strength from year to year.

Myron Waldman, the animator who brought Betty Boop, Popeye and Superman to two-dimensional life, had a "famously fluty voice," according to his obit yesterday in the Times. Eulogized earlier in the week was feminist Betty Friedan, who was "famously abrasive" and "famously stormy." Travel writers at the Times have joined the obit desk in the quest for adverbial fame: they've combed the continents for adjectives to which "famously" can be joined. Sarajevo is "famously multiethnic" and "famously picturesque," while Kabul's light is "famously soft, diffuse" and the streets of a Puerto Rican town are "famously violent." So have the Times' stable of arts mavens: a play by George Bernard Shaw is "famously provocative," and a certain painting, like the sky over Kabul, has a "famously diffused glow."

You might hope that the financial and sports pages would be immune, but no: a "famously outspoken hedge fund manager" is quoted one day; a famed cyclist who is "famously disinclined to seek advice" the next. I can't tell you the hedge fund manager's name, by the way, because I was disinclined to pay $3.95 to read the entire article. So I'll never know the name of the "outsider" fired by Nike, the "famously insular sneaker company," nor the identity of the "TV king" who has a "famously flowing mane of brown hair."

In the Times these days, fame touches the great and small alike. Would I be wrong to describe Mary A. Littauer, a "self-taught expert on horses of ancient times," as a typically obscure subject for a Times obit? Yet not to the ancient-horsey crowd, for whom she was "famously observant" and "flowered famously" at some point or another in her autodidactic career.


I'm not sure the Times gets the difference between "fame" and "infamy." So, the White House "famously does not brook criticism." Does the Times think that "fame" really has anointed the squinting brow of our clueless president, or that the petty intrigues of his mealy-mouthed staff are "famous?" And is it really true, as the Times suggested recently, that John Lennon "famously" informed a reporter that the Beatles were "more popular than Jesus" and that Christianity would soon "vanish and shrink?" Was Lennon's narcissistic autotheosis ventured "famously" or would "foolishly," "frivolously," "shallowly" or just "brainlessly" be closer to the mark? By the way, how does something shrink after it has vanished? Did Lennon really predict that Christianity will vanish to the shrinking point?

The good news is that "famously" seems to have edged the elegant banality of the previous generation of Times reporters—"emblematic"—out of its ecological niche. The turning point came in 1993, when the obituary for Irving Howe used both words in a pedantic double whammy: Howe was "an emblematic New York Jewish intellectual" who "quarreled famously." In the Times these days, "famously" now beats "emblematic" by a ratio of 3:1. Perhaps it was the older generation of reporters who were responsible for its 208 uses in the past year: tall buildings are "emblematic" of a "new consciousness" among architects, while dancers of the City Ballet perform a "brief, emblematic arabesque." The "Jazz at Lincoln Center" facility is "emblematic" of an "establishment sensibility," and a certain "brass-tacks executive is emblematic of a larger shift" from one thing to some other thing.

What is the "new consciousness" in architecture? Why was the arabesque emblematic? What is the "establishment sensibility" emblematized by the Lincoln Center? Who is the "brass-tacks executive," and what was the larger shift? I don't know, because I'm notoriously cheap (or, if I ever flower famously enough to merit an obit in the Times, "famously parsimonious") and I won't pay a dime to read this cant.


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Thursday, September 22, 2005

It's official: no celibate gay priests

The decision was widely anticipated, but now it's official: the Roman Catholic church will bar all homosexuals from ordination to the priesthood—even those whose sexual probity is beyond question.

The church is fortunate the new policy was not in force when Father Mychal Judge was ordained in 1961. He was the heroic fire chaplain who was buried with full honors after his body was pulled from the rubble of the World Trade Center. And he was a homosexual. Father Judge's biography at Wikipedia describes his death:
It was while giving the holy sacrament to firefighter Daniel Suhr that Father Mychal removed his helmet and was struck by falling debris. He continued administering last rites even while injured. Father Mychal then entered the lobby of the World Trade Center north tower where an emergency services command post was organized. The south tower collapsed and debris filled the north tower lobby killing many inside.
Father Judge was also honored by his church: 3,000 attended the funeral mass celebrated by New York's archbishop. Two months after his death, the New York Fire Department presented his helmet to Pope John Paul II. The U.S. Congress nominated him for the Presidential Medal of Freedom, but to date President Bush has not acted on the recommendation.
Mychal Judge never built a church or a school, or raised a lot of money. What he did was build a kingdom spiritually, so people feel close to God. You can't measure that, and you can't see that. He didn't realize that that was his gift. But that was evident in the thousands of people who came out to his wake and to his funeral.—The Rev. Michael Duffy, eulogist at Father Judge's funeral
Under the new rules, the church's gatekeepers would have declared Mychal Judge unfit for ordination—"objectively disordered" in the favorite phrase of the church's official catechism.

Vatican inquisitors will soon visit each of the 229 Roman Catholic seminaries in the U.S. to begin the purge.

More links on this subject

A gay priest speaks out (Commonweal)
Vatican to tighten rules on gay men (New York Times)
Pope approves ban (Catholic World News)
Andrew Sullivan on the new ban
No greater love: Chaplain Mychal Judge, O.F.M.


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Monday, September 19, 2005

Left Party gains votes across political spectrum

The Left Party's opposition to American-style economic and tax policies was a magnet for voters from across the Federal Republic's political spectrum. The Left was the only party to win votes from all of the other major parties in Germany—from left to right. It was also uniquely the one party to mobilize non-voters who returned to the ballot box on Sept. 18 to cast their votes for the embattled "social state."

Parties that lost voters to the Left

Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union290,000
Social Democratic Party970,000
Free Democratic Party100,000
Greens240,000
Previous non-voters who supported the Left430,000

The SPD saw nearly one million of its voters defect to the new party, which was organized just three months ago by the post-communist Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) and a faction of traditional Social Democrats dismayed by Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder's neo-liberal reforms. The conservative CDU/CSU and environmentalist Greens together lost more than half a million votes to the Left, and even the pro-business Free Democrats saw 100,000 of their former supporters vote Left.

The Left was the only party to increase its vote total in virtually all electoral districts. Its base continues to be eastern Germany but its share of the votes in the more populous western states more than quadrupled from 1.1 to 4.9 percent. Its most stunning electoral breakthrough came in the industrial Saarland, where it rose from obscurity to become the third strongest political force—outpacing the Greens and FDP for the first time in a western state. It is now the second strongest party in three states (Brandenburg, Saxony-Anhalt, Thuringia) and the third strongest in four others (Saarland, Berlin, Saxony, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern).

No political consensus for neo-liberal reform?

Some conservative analysts argued before the election that a relatively strong Left Party might prove useful because it would isolate those voters who oppose pro-business "reforms" on the American model—including broad tax cuts for the wealthy, higher fees for health insurance and education, and limits on unemployment compensation. The Left, so the theory went, would drain off these alienated voters from the electoral base of Germany's traditional center-left parties, permitting an ideological realignment of the remaining parties in favor of a "reform" consensus.

But exit polls suggest that a significant number of anti-reform voters remained loyal to the SPD and Greens on election day. The issue of "social justice" motivated more SPD voters (45 percent) than any other. For Greens, it was the second most important issue (41 percent) behind the environment (51 percent). But "social justice" (a code word in Germany for the "social state") was a priority for only 17 percent of CDU/CSU voters and 16 percent of those who supported the Free Democrats.

Clearly, there is no political consensus in Germany for American-style economic and social policies. The two parties that campaigned on this issue, the CDU/CSU and FDP, scored only 45 percent—far short of the decisive majority the polls had forecast earlier in the campaign. The SPD and Greens, on the other hand, were able win back part of their anti-reform voter base from the Left by playing down the neo-liberal policies they had pushed as governing parties and reclaiming their image as protectors of the social state.

The election shows that support remains strong among center-left voters for Germany's traditional "social-market" economy—which until the current crisis of globalization had maintained social consensus in postwar West Germany by promoting private enterprise, encouraging labor-management cooperation, and supporting a strong social state to defend the rights of workers and the most vulnerable members of society.

Final election results

PartyPercent
Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union35.2
Social Democratic Party34.3
Free Democratic Party9.8
Left Party8.7
Greens8.1

Potential multi-party coalitions

CoalitionParties
Grand CoalitionCDU/CSU (black) + SPD (red)
"Traffic Light" CoalitionSPD (red) + FDP (yellow) + Greens
"Jamaica" CoalitionCDU/CSU (black) + FDP (yellow) + Greens

More links on this subject

Left Party more than doubles its vote
Left on the rise in Germany (news analysis)
The Left: Big Winner in the German elections (Monthly Review)
Above all, this was a vote against neo-liberalism (Guardian UK)
Election analysis in detail (ARD)
New Left, Old Right (Le Monde diplomatique)
What's at stake in the German elections? (DIRELAND)
Interview with Left Party activist (Lenin's Tomb)
Can Germany's labor movement survive? (Monthly Review)


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Sunday, September 18, 2005

Left Party doubles vote in Germany

The Left Party—an alliance formed by post-communists and defectors from Germany's ruling Social Democratic Party—has won 8.7 percent of the vote in today's federal election. The result more than doubles the party's previous score of 4 percent in 2002. In that election, just over 1.9 million voters supported the post-communists when the party failed to reach the five-percent threshold required for full representation in the German Bundestag (federal parliament). Today the Left won more than 4 million votes. As a result, its strength in the Bundestag will increase from two to at least 54 seats.

The party has surpassed the Greens to become Germany's fourth-strongest political force.

Today's vote leaves Germany in political chaos. The hoped-for conservative coalition of the conservative Union parties and the pro-business Free Democrats did not materialize. At the same time, the ruling SPD-Green coalition was voted out of office. Neither alignment has enough seats to form a majority government.

The Left Party need not apply

Germany's traditional parties have vowed never to enter into coalition talks with the Left, although theoretically a "red-red-green" government of the SPD, Left Party and Greens would command a stable majority. Otherwise, there are three possibilities open to Germany's political establishment:

CoalitionParties
Grand CoalitionCDU/CSU (black) + SPD (red)
"Traffic Light" CoalitionSPD (red) + FDP (yellow) + Greens
"Jamaica" CoalitionCDU/CSU (black) + FDP (yellow) + Greens

A fourth possibility is a minority coalition "tolerated" by one of the opposition parties. But the prospect of minority government horrifies many Germans, and the media aren't yet discussing the subject. Weak governments and frequent elections were a feature of the political landscape in the Weimar Republic, and Germans are reluctant to repeat that experience.

Disappointment for the conservatives

The result is a disappointment for the Union—Germany's conservative alliance of the Christian Democratic Union and its Bavarian sister party, the Christian Social Union. When SPD Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder called surprise elections in May, the conservatives were widely expected to win more than 45 percent of the vote with a clear mandate for social and economic "reforms" widely supported by Germany's corporate elite. Its natural partner was the liberal FDP, which traditionally has supported big business. But while the FDP surged ahead at the last minute to become the third-strongest party in the Bundestag, the Union's result was barely a percent ahead of the Social Democrats. As a result, the political picture is ambiguous at best.

The Left, once written off as a dying party of aging East German communists, returned from the grave with a professional campaign and the support of pro-labor voters in western Germany who deserted the SPD in protest over high unemployment and cutbacks in social services. Led by the charismatic post-communist politician Gregor Gysi and the equally charismatic former SPD leader, Oskar Lafontaine, the party vows to build a stable democratic alternative which in coming years will oppose reforms designed to weaken Germany's "social state."

In eastern Germany, the Left became the second strongest party with 25.4 percent of the votes—just ahead of the CDU but behind the SPD. In western Germany, it won 5.2 percent of the votes, a big improvement on its 2002 result of less than 2 percent.

Polls showed that about 11 percent of German voters were undecided until the last minute. Most of them decided to support one of the smaller parties, with the Left picking up the greatest share of undecided voters, followed by the FDP liberals and the Greens.

The final vote tally*

PartyPercent
Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union35.2
Social Democratic Party34.3
Free Democratic Party9.8
Left Party8.7
Greens8.1

*One district will vote next week: Dresden I. The outcome there may change the official results slightly.

More links on this subject

Left on the rise in Germany (news analysis)
New Left, Old Right


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Left on the rise in Germany

This analysis of the Left Party's dramatic rise in German politics was originally published on Aug. 16. I am republishing it here for the convenience of my readers. The party's final score in Germany's federal election on Sept. 18 was 8.7 percent—more than 4 million voters.

Lothar Bisky
The sudden and unexpected "high-altitude flight" of the reborn "Left Party" in Germany's pre-election polls has baffled political reporters, especially in the U.S.

Formed by an alliance between the post-communist Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) and the upstart "Electoral Alternative for Jobs and Social Justice" (WASG), and led by two of Germany's most charismatic politicians, the Left Party might win an unprecedented 8 to 12 percent when Germans vote on Sept. 18. If current trends hold, it could become the third-strongest force in the German Bundestag with as many as 60
to 70 seats—a dramatic reversal of fortune for a party that is now represented by two lonely back-benchers.

Struggling to interpret the dramatic rise of a party reorganized in just two months by politically marginalized trade-union officials and the despised ex-communists of East Germany, some American reporters are repeating the same formulas the German political establishment has been testing in its campaign to beat back the rising Left tide. "It is the classic protest party," Richard Bernstein wrote dismissively on July 29 in the New York Times. "It stands for almost nothing, and certainly it has no program to govern Germany—nor, in fact, will it ever govern Germany." According to Peter Schneider, a German pundit quoted by Bernstein, the party's sudden rise as a political force is "an unsettling sign that Germany is doing badly enough to have generated a political reaction reminiscent of Weimar."

Christian Social Union anti-Left poster
Schneider's reference to the ill-fated Weimar Republic, with the sinister subtext that soon street warfare could break out between armed Communists and Nazis, was subtle compared to Markus Söder's attack on Left Party co-founder Oskar Lafontaine as a "National Communist." Söder is general secretary of the conservative ruling party in Bavaria, the Christian Social Union (CSU), which together with the federal Christian Democratic Union (CDU) hopes to win this election.

Söder's primal scream was echoed by his boss, Bavarian premier Edmund Stoiber: the Left's supporters in eastern Germany, he said, are "stupid calves" who are prepared to vote for their own "butcher." In one of many conservative gaffes that could drive even more voters into the Left camp, Stoiber said that east Germans are not as "intelligent" as Bavarians.

German historian Götz Aly pushes the dark vision of the Left Party as born-again Nazi-Communists to its extreme limit: voters attracted to the Left, he theorizes, are Germany's last disciples of the Nazi theory of a racial "People's State." Thus, the party is fighting for such "national socialist concepts" as extra pay for Sunday workers. The sillygism here is fairly typical of the panic with which Germany's traditional parties have reacted to the prospect that the Left will scoop up millions of their voters on Sept. 18: (1) The Left Party supports Sunday overtime pay. (2) The Nazis introduced Sunday overtime pay during the Third Reich. (3) The Left Party is "national socialist." In logic this fallacy is called an "undistributed middle term," as in the following: (1) Mel Gibson has an opposable thumb. (2) All lesbians have opposable thumbs. (3) Mel Gibson is a lesbian.

Logical or not, Aly's reasoning was given wide play by the English-language service of the German Press Agency (DPA) under the headline, "Historian links Germany's new Left Party to Nazis."

Clearly, the parties that stand to lose the most to the Left are trying to demonize their unwelcome competitor as simultaneously "red" and "brown"—a dangerous force that appeals both to the extreme left and the extreme right. The attacks have already knocked a percentage point or two from the Left's ratings in the polls. But German voters tend to be well-informed, and they could hardly fail to take note that two of the Left Party's three most important leaders are Jewish, that the party's membership includes a number of Holocaust survivors, that among its Bundestag candidates is the leader of Germany's Turkish community, or that it advocates same-sex marriage. It can have no conceivable appeal to the anti-semitic, anti-immigrant,
ultra-nationalist and homophobic clientele of Germany's small right-wing parties. It could hardly be "brown."

Left parties normal in western Europe

If not "brown," how "red" is the Left?

The Left Party clearly has roots in Communist as well as Social Democratic traditions, but this is not unusual in Europe (apart from Britain). Relatively strong parties of the left have by now become a normal feature of politics in several countries in western and northern Europe. This new "European Left" has stabilized partly because millions of unemployed and under-employed voters have lost not only jobs and incomes but also their confidence in the political establishment they once supported.

Voters have noticed that European corporate executives—who once were willing participants in a three-way social pact with government and labor—have begun to behave like their predatory colleagues in the United States: a "creative destruction" of labor to boost stock dividends is becoming a fixture of management policy in Frankfurt and Paris. Jobs can be sacrificed at any time, during economic upturns as well as downturns, in fat years as well as lean, after profits and after losses. One symbol of the Americanization of Europe's corporate culture was the announcement in March by Germany's Deutsche Bank that its net profits had reached an unprecedented $3.2 billion—an 87-percent increase over the previous year. Managers celebrated by promptly eliminating 6,400 jobs and shifting another 1,200 to low-wage countries. This is normal business practice in the United States, but a shock for many voters in Europe.

Meanwhile, European governments of both the center-right and center-left have come to the conclusion that their economies can't compete globally unless they cut social and labor costs. Their move to the right has opened up a new space for left competitors—one that has been filled mostly by reformed and restyled communist parties who jettisoned the last remnants of orthodox Marxist ideology in the 1980s and 90s. In some countries, they represent between five and ten percent of voters.

In Germany, Gerhard Schroeder's center-left coalition of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and the Greens has followed this rightward trend. Concretely, that means no extra pay for Sunday work. No minimum wage. Tuition fees. Increased payments for medical care. Reduced unemployment compensation and compulsory low-wage jobs for the long-term unemployed.

Instead of reinvigorating the German economy, the reforms have failed so far to make a dent in unemployment rates that are well above 10 percent and closing in on the record levels of Germany's worst year of the 20th century—1945. But apart from their failure as a job-creating mechanism, Schroeder's policies have not gone down well with many Germans who still believe that the state has a moral and legal responsibility to protect them from the predations of private capital.

"Social" values are family values in Germany

The idea of a strong social safety net has the status of a "family value" in Germany. As early as 1883—more than 50 years before the advent of Social Security in the U.S.—Germany was the first country in the world to adopt social legislation providing for government retirement pensions, disability pay and universal health insurance. Social Democrats expanded the safety net during the Weimar Republic and the Nazis coopted it as a centerpiece of their caring "racial community." The racist Nazi concept of a Volksstaat ("race state") did not survive the war, but there was hardly a democratic party in postwar West Germany that opposed the idea of a strong Sozialstaat ("social state"). It was by no means a uniquely German trend: the social zeitgeist was replicated almost everywhere in the capitalist societies of western Europe. It became practically an article of political faith for parties of the center-right as well as the center-left. The "social market economics" of West Germany's conservative Christian Democratic government (1949-1968) fostered economic growth through a mix of private and public investment, promoted peaceful relations between capital and labor, and guaranteed protection for industrial workers during normally brief episodes of unemployment. Germans of all classes feared nothing so much as economic and political instability: the Weimar Republic was a constant reminder that a democratic order can go under if a stable government cannot secure some measure of social and economic justice.

Those values, simultaneously conservative and progressive, still have a resonance in German society. The word sozial has never gone out
of usage in the political vocabulary of most German parties, and wohlstand (welfare) still evokes an image of public responsibility. Germany's Protestant and Roman Catholic churches continue to warn against the breakdown of social solidarity under the pressure of neoliberal economics: sozialer wohlstand for them is a moral question. At a mass meeting of German Protestants in May, one church leader denounced "the romanticism of market-liberal" economics which "subordinates moral values to economic goals." This is a "fatal reversal of social relations," he said. "The economic question must be reversed: How can the economy be shaped so it serves the life of the individual and the community?"

German Supreme Court justice Wolfgang Nesković explained this mentality in an interview with the Hamburger Abendblatt on Aug. 4:
ABENDBLATT: Can we actually still afford the social state?

NESKOVIC: Regardless, the Basic Law [the German Constitution] is socially orientated. In our Constitution's general moral structure, the principle of the social state is a fundamental value right at its center. Whoever says we can no longer afford the social state is no longer speaking on the grounds of the Basic Law. The state is obligated to be able to procure the necessary means to guarantee the existence of the social state.

ABENDBLATT: What do you understand by social justice?

NESKOVIC: Social justice means that the economically strong must shoulder a heavier burden than the weak.
Judge Nesković is now a Left Party candidate in this election: it's the only party, he believes, that still defends social values. Another Left candidate, Lothar Bisky, is not appealing to either red or brown extremists when he says that "the market cannot rule everything" and that "whoever looks upon the world only as a profit zone sins against the nations." In a sense, these are conservative, Christian values in Germany.

Strong in the east, weak in the west

Linkspartei.PDS
The rise of the Left is a stunning change of fortunes for the widely-reviled Party of Democratic Socialism. Until now, the reformed post-communists have been a relatively strong force in eastern Germany, but virtually a non-entity in the west. East of the Elbe river, they co-govern with the Social Democrats in two federal states and are the largest opposition party in two others. More than five dozen municipal governments are in their hands. The PDS has worked hard over the years since German unification to cultivate an image as an honest, moderate, pragmatic party that delivers good government when elected to office. As a result, the party is trusted by many east German voters despite its origins in the despised ruling party of the former GDR. Its share of the eastern vote in federal elections has oscillated between 17 and 22 percent. But the PDS never gained a foothold in the west of Germany, where its electoral potential with voters seemed permanently thwarted by its communist past.

The party's future was precarious. When, after an ambitious and trendy campaign, the PDS scored only 4 percent of the vote in the 2002 federal election, it seemed on its way towards footnote status
in German history books. But the post-communists quickly recovered
and recalled one of their most pragmatic and media-oriented politicians, Lothar Bisky. New leadership restored self-confidence and a sense of mission. The PDS bounced back in time for the European parliament elections in 2004, winning a record 6.1 percent nationwide.

So the party's immediate prospects were reasonably bright when public opinion forced SPD Chancellor Schroeder to call for early elections in September—one year ahead of schedule. Bisky and others persuaded the party's former media star—a fast-talking Berlin lawyer named Gregor Gysi—to return to public life only months after brain surgery and two heart attacks. With Gysi's silver tongue and his relative popularity among east German voters, with new political capital accumulated by the party's support for nationwide protests against Schroeder's failed reforms, and with the promise of a snappy, professional campaign, it seemed likely the PDS would at least reach the five-percent threshold required for full representation in the Bundestag. Cautiously, the party announced that "five percent plus" was its goal. But no one, least of all the PDS, expected the post-communists to compete seriously with the Greens and the pro-business Free Democrats in the race to become Germany's number-three party behind the dominant CDU/CSU and SPD. An electoral breakthrough of that magnitude would require a miracle: the support of at least 4 or 5 percent of the western vote.

Oskar Lafontaine
Party's fortunes changed overnight

But everything changed literally overnight. The day after Schroeder fixed the date for new elections, his Social Democrats were stunned to learn that Oskar Lafontaine, their former leader and one-time chancellor candidate, was handing in his red party book and joining the rebellious "Electoral Alternative for Jobs and Social Justice" (WASG) founded in 2004 by trade unionists who had lost faith in their traditional party, the SPD. One of Germany's most flamboyant power politicians, long recognized as the éminence grise of the SPD left, reviled by his enemies and revered by his supporters as "Red Oskar" and the "Napoleon of the Saar" during his 13 years as premier of the industrial western state of Saarland, Lafontaine announced he was available to lead the fight against Schroeder ... but on one condition. The WASG and the PDS could not afford to split the potential left vote. They must form a united ticket before the election.

It was an ideal but improbable marriage. Lafontaine and Gysi are arguably Germany's two most charismatic politicians: both are powerful speakers and brilliant debaters. Lafontaine and the WASG gave the alliance credibility in the west, Gysi and the PDS gave it a strong electoral base in the east.

In less than four weeks, the two parties hammered out an agreement. Fusion will be postponed until after the election, but in the meantime Lafontaine and other WASG candidates will run on the PDS ticket. As a gesture to its new allies, who said the PDS brand name was electoral poison in the west, the party renamed itself "Left Party.PDS" or simply "The Left.PDS," with the letters "PDS" optional in western states.

Almost immediately, the new alliance's poll numbers took off on what the German media described as a "high-altitude flight"—from 5 to 9 percent, then 10, 11, 12, 13. Both the environmentalist Greens (tarnished by their support for Schroeder's policies) and the pro-business Free Democrats fell behind. Recent polls track the Left at 26 to 33 percent in the east, 6 to 8 in the west. The momentum cannot last, but the party does appear to be winning support broadly across Germany's political spectrum. Nearly 30 percent of its current electoral base supported the SPD in the last election, another 30 percent voted for the PDS. More than 20 percent did not vote at all: apparently the new movement is winning over many disillusioned Germans who saw no point in supporting any party in 2002. Even the conservative Christian Democrats could lose half a million voters to the Left. And in an obvious rebuff to the accusation that the Left is appealing to an anti-immigrant clientele, less than 4 percent of its potential voters said they had supported extreme right-wing parties in the previous election.

According to polls, the Left's high-altitude flight is already levelling off. But a diminished result of only 8 percent would put the Left Party in the same league as the Greens and Free Democrats—an electoral breakthrough no one imagined two months ago.

After the election, the Left's future is uncertain. The very different political cultures of the two partners reflect the social and ideological divisions between eastern and western Germany. It will be a difficult marriage. But the will to form a credible and stable alternative force in German politics is strong on both sides.

Yes to a new social idea

Meanwhile, the party has unveiled its new display ads and its commercials for TV and movie theaters. The 270,000 billboards and posters strike a positive note: "yes" to a "new social idea." The aggressive red and black color scheme of previous PDS campaigns has been modified by a palette of cheerful pastels. A lone red triangle on the party's new logo is a subtle reminder of its socialist heritage: it could be a red flag, or a red arrow pointing left, or a red megaphone.*

The cinema ad similarly deconstructs the Left's former image as the angry protest party of a traumatized minority. Two cleancut women boxers are fighting it out in the ring. One is wearing a red helmet and trunks, the other is in conservative blue. Red is taking a pounding as her coach shouts, "lead with the left!" Exasperated, he cries out, "the left! the left!" Red advances on Blue with her left glove extended. The motion freezes and the roar of the crowd fades. Then the Red boxer puts her left arm around the shoulders of the Blue fighter, and together they stop the match.

Will that conservative message of social reconciliation, mixed with feminist and pacifist undertones, win over voters to a party whose distant political heritage includes the militant "Red Front" of the Weimar Republic? The Left is betting that it will. Both a party of protest and a party of pragmatism, both progressive and conservative, both east and west, both red and blue, the reborn Left is hoping to transform the political balance of power in Germany. It may succeed ... at least for this year.

More links on this subject

We can't realistically expect to win (Deutsche Welle)
Historian links German Left Party to Nazis (DPA)
Left Party puts cats among the pigeons (Der Spiegel)
Left Party's TV, cinema and radio spots
Left Party's display ads
History of Left Party.PDS (English)
Left Party's campaign platform (English)
Left Party's online newsletter (English)
Norman Birnbaum on Germany's political scene (DIRELAND)
Why Europe is moving towards the left (Monthly Review)
German capital flees in search of more profit (Le Monde)
Rosa Luxemburg Foundation (English)
André Brie, Left MEP (English)
Sahra Wagenknecht, Left MEP (English)


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Saturday, September 10, 2005

War of the Worlds: truth or fiction?

One of the most interesting people I've met in Cleveland is Ernst Stavro Blofeld. Rumors that he is the former head of an international criminal organization are, he says, "LIES! ALL LIES!" I found his delightful reflections on Spielberg's "War of the Worlds" and its surprising relevance to current events worthy of note, and I think you will, too.

Ernst Stavro Blofeld
Helga and I finally went to see "War of the Worlds" last weekend: we had to wait until it reached the discount theater at the mall. Damn those SPECTRE budget cuts! Thirty years ago a typical night out for Ernst Stavro Blofeld was a romantic dinner in Monte Carlo followed by a high-stakes game of Baccarat at the Grand Casino. Now it's the buffet at the Olive Garden and a cheap matinee at the multiplex!

And I had to replace my deadly piranha with hamsters. Do you have any idea how impossible it is to maintain discipline in your criminal empire when the worst punishment you can threaten is a plunge into the hamster pit?

But what a great movie! It had all the elements of a true Blofeldian classic: machines, death rays, mass murder. Spielberg had lots of spectacular ideas I'd love to incorporate into the Mark VI DRADS (Death Ray Delivery Systems) I'm building in an abandoned salt mine deep below Lake Erie. But Lord knows those blasted accountants at the home office would never authorize the slightest modification in our plans for world domination. The fools!

Illustration from French 1906 edition
Spielberg's rediscovery of H.G. Wells' original vision made me wonder if, perhaps, I made a mistake investing so many billions into 1950s technology. My advisers insisted that the best model for my death machines was the flying-wing concept embodied in George Pal's 1953 version of "War in the Worlds"—graceful silvery wedges gliding silently on anti-gravity generators. But in Spielberg's movie, retro-engineered tripods were belching out industrial booms and clanking away like a division of Tiger tanks rolling through the cobblestone streets of an Alsatian market town during the Battle of the Bulge. And his death rays reminded me of an unfortunate experience I had with a barber in East Berlin whose heavy-industrial electric hair clipper malfunctioned during a brown-out. The sounds were nearly identical: mmmmmmzngTHWAP, scream, sizzle, mmmmmmzngTHWAP, scream, sizzle.

(Note to self: loud industrial clanking noises and sinister electronic sizzling THWAPs are much more effective in spreading terror, and therefore more cost-effective. And who needs stealth technology when your death platforms are protected by energy blisters?)


Of course, Spielberg's story breaks down in several places. Why, for example, would the tripedal (three-legged) alien invaders bury their war machines beneath the surface of the Earth "millions of years ago," then turn around and fly back to Mars? Why not do the job right away—when the only opposition would have been woolly mammoths, giant sloths and spear-throwing hominids? Why wait through the Pleistocene and Holocene epochs before making the big grab for world conquest?

Another flaw:
Is it really possible that a technologically advanced alien race would simply forget to immunize its troops against the bacteria of the planet they'd been planning for "millions of years" to invade? Not one microbiologist on the evil invasion-planning committee? You could forgive Wells for missing this little detail in 1898: the relationship between microbes and disease was a relatively new discovery and perhaps his Martians had neglected the biological sciences in favor of metallurgy, space travel and death rayology. But in 2005 that kind of slip-up requires more than a willing suspension of disbelief.

Or does it?

Sometimes, reality is as fantastic as science fiction. Imagine that the invaders were led by the Martian avatars of George Bush, Dick Cheney and Michael Chertoff. Millions of our compatriots are apparently quite content to believe that "no one could have predicted that invading Iraq would open the country's borders to thousands of fanatical suicide bombers" or "no one could have predicted that a massive hurricane would cause a big flood in New Orleans." So why wouldn't the equivalent Martian spin—"no one could have predicted that our invading forces would be infected by earth microbes against which we had no immunological defenses even though we'd been planning this thing for millions of years"—make for a perfectly credible plot?

That suggests the possibility of a sequel, doesn't it? What happens after the planned tripedal cakewalk over a prostrate Earth turns out to be a deadly quagmire?

My proposed outline: despite the Earth fiasco, the Great Ruler of Mars wins reelection by a comfortable margin because gullible voters actually believe he is more qualified than the other candidate to protect the Martian way of life from the threat of the non-destruction of Earth. He vows to "get the job done" and warns that not "staying the course" would be interpreted as "a sign of weakness" and would "give those earth folks exactly what they want: not getting exterminated." He pours reserve troops into the conflict, and this time everybody gets immunization shots. But the war drags on for years: the Earthlings, despite their technological inferiority, discover they can defeat the protective energy blisters by detonating roadside bombs underneath the Martian machines. Martian war minister Dlanod "Ymmur" Dlefsmur orders more than 11,000 tripods withdrawn to Mars to be "up-armored" to withstand the threat.

Meanwhile, the Great Ruler's bone-carapaced subordinates—basically a crew of mendacious Good Old Tripeds—neglect their own planet's defenses against natural disaster and a huge dust storm wipes out New Snaelro, a city famous for its Zzaj music and its savory Red Mars Sauce. The Great Ruler promises that "Armies of Non-Extermination" (the Martian word for "compassion") will ride to the rescue, but the relief effort is screwed up in Red Mars Tape. The Great Ruler explains that "no one could have predicted a big dust storm" but this is laughed off because, well, after all, Mars is a very dusty planet and the Annihilator Corps of Engineers have been warning for decades that New Snaelro's system of protective energy blisters was badly in need of repair.

But Mars is now divided into "Blues" and "Reds" and the credulous Red majority will believe whatever blathering macho nonsense comes out of their Ruler's speech-orifice. A compliant media—particularly the talking heads of the Xof News Network—manage to deflect the blame onto local and state authorities, and after (literally) sacrificing a few lower-ranking subordinates, the administration stumbles forward to new disasters.

Truth? Fiction? You decide.


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